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狄奧多爾·科穆寧·杜卡斯
Θεόδωρος Κομνηνὸς Δούκας
伊庇魯斯專制國統治者、塞薩洛尼基帝國皇帝（英语：Emperor of Thessalonica）（1224年後），自稱拜占庭皇帝
刻有狄奧多爾（左）受聖德米特里祝福的琥珀金硬幣
統治1215年—1230年
前任米開爾一世·科穆寧·杜卡斯（英语：Michael I Komnenos Doukas）
繼任曼努埃爾·科穆寧·杜卡斯（英语：Manuel Doukas）
逝世约1253年
配偶瑪麗亞·佩特拉里法伊娜（英语：Maria Petraliphaina）
子嗣安娜·安格莉娜·科穆寧·杜卡伊娜（英语：Anna Angelina Komnene Doukaina）
約翰·科穆寧·杜卡斯（英语：John Komnenos Doukas）
伊麗妮·科穆寧·杜卡伊娜（英语：Irene Komnene Doukaina）
迪米特里歐斯·科穆寧·杜卡斯（英语：Demetrios Komnenos Doukas）
朝代科穆寧·杜卡斯
父親約翰·杜卡斯（英语：John Doukas (sebastokrator)）
母親佐伊·杜卡伊娜

狄奧多爾·科穆寧·杜卡斯 （希臘語：Θεόδωρος Κομνηνὸς Δούκας, Theodōros Komnēnos Doukas，拉丁化：Theodore Comnenus Ducas，生年不詳，死於约1253年）在1215至1230年間作為伊庇魯斯專制國和色薩利的統治者，並於1224至1230年間支配塞薩洛尼基帝國（英语：Empire of Thessalonica）、部分馬其頓地區和西色雷斯。之後的1237至1246年間他則背後支撐兩個兒子約翰·科穆寧·杜卡斯（英语：John Komnenos Doukas）和迪米特里歐斯·科穆寧·杜卡斯（英语：Demetrios Komnenos Doukas）統治塞薩洛尼基。

狄奧多爾為拜占庭帝國著名貴族的直系後裔，此家族和帝國的科穆寧、杜卡斯及安格洛斯（英语：Angelos）王朝都有所牽連。然而一直到1204年君士坦丁堡被征服、拜占庭帝國被第四次十字軍東征瓦解後，狄奧多爾才為人所知。君士坦丁堡淪陷後，他在尼西亞帝國創始者狄奧多爾一世麾下服務，幾年後被派到伊庇魯斯，此時他同父異母的兄弟米開爾一世·科穆寧·杜卡斯（英语：Michael I Komnenos Doukas）已經在那建立一個獨立的親王國。1215年米開爾一世被謀殺後，狄奧多爾取代其還未成年的私生子米開爾二世（英语：Michael II Komnenos Doukas）得到伊庇魯斯的治理權，並且延續他哥哥的領土擴張政策。與塞爾維亞結盟的同時進入馬其頓，使得薩洛尼卡王國備受威脅。1217年成功在阿爾巴尼亞的山中捉住拉丁帝國皇帝皮耶爾二世·德考特尼（法语：Pierre II de Courtenay）後開始逐漸包圍塞薩洛尼基，最終於1224年攻克該城。

作為塞薩洛尼基的統治者，狄奧多爾很快地宣布自己成為皇帝，挑戰著尼西亞帝國皇帝約翰三世宣稱為其所有的拜占庭皇座。1225年，他拓展到君士坦丁堡城郊，但是針對這大幅衰弱的拉丁帝國所在地的最後一擊被推遲至1230年。那一年狄奧多爾聚集一支軍隊圍攻君士坦丁堡，之後卻轉為面對保加利亞第二帝國，因為這原先的同盟正威脅著北邊。狄奧多爾於克羅克特尼察戰役（英语：Battle of Klokotnitsa）戰敗被捕，接著被囚禁七年。在這期間，他的兄弟曼努埃爾·科穆寧·杜卡斯（英语：Manuel Doukas）繼承了他的位子，不過他迅速地讓色雷斯、大部分的馬其頓和阿爾巴尼亞等地落入保加利亞沙皇伊凡·亞森二世（英语：Ivan Asen II of Bulgaria）手中。另外塞薩洛尼基變成保加利亞的附庸，伊庇魯斯的正統治理權則由結束流亡的米開爾二世擁有。

1237年他的女兒伊麗妮·科穆寧·杜卡伊娜（英语：Irene Komnene Doukaina）和伊凡·亞森結婚，此刻狄奧多爾才獲釋。重返自由之後他很快的奪回塞薩洛尼基的控制權，驅逐了曼努埃爾。由於遭囚禁期間因受刑導致眼盲令他失去了回到寶座上的資格，他立最年長的兒子約翰為帝，不過狄奧多爾仍然擔任實質的攝政。曼努埃爾試圖在尼西亞的支持下取回塞薩洛尼基，但是協商的結果讓他得到色薩利，剩餘的塞薩洛尼基地區和其周遭則給予狄奧多爾和約翰。1241年，約翰三世邀請狄奧多爾拜訪尼西亞，熱烈歡迎和禮遇讓他在那一直待到隔年春季才隨約翰三世的隊伍來到塞薩洛尼基。狄奧多爾在此和兒子交涉、說服他降為比較低階的專制君主並承認尼西亞帝國的宗主權。約翰於1244年過世，接替其位者為他的弟弟迪米特里歐斯。1246年，約翰三世兼併塞薩洛尼基，不得人心的迪米特里歐斯倒台。受到叔叔狄奧多爾影響，米開爾二世在1251年對塞薩洛尼基發動攻擊，可是第二年約翰三世與他們另啟戰端，讓米開爾被迫抽手。狄奧多爾在尼西亞被關押、流放，最後於1253年左右逝世。

早年生活

迪奧多爾於1180到1185年間出生，是約翰·杜卡斯（英语：John Doukas (sebastokrator)）皇帝和佐伊·杜卡伊娜(Zoe Doukaina)的兒子，[1]他的祖父母是康斯坦丁·安格洛斯（英语：Constantine Angelos）和拜占庭皇帝阿歷克塞一世（1081年—1118年在位）的女兒迪奧多拉。迪奧多爾的叔叔安卓尼克斯是拜占庭皇帝伊薩克二世（1185年－1195年，1203年－1204年）和阿歷克塞三世（1195年—1203年）的爸爸。[2]

如同大部分的家族成員，他較偏向以「杜卡斯」或「科穆寧·杜卡斯」（Κομνηνὸς ὁ Δούκας）做為外號；當時人們對他有許多不同的稱呼，如：「杜卡斯」、「科穆寧」或甚至是「偉大的科穆寧」（μέγας Κομνηνός）——一個常用於特拉比松帝國統治者的名號。[3][4]迪奧多爾選擇與較為成功的杜卡斯王朝和科穆寧王朝相關，而不是相形失敗的安格洛斯王朝；事實上中世紀只有少數反對他、支持巴列奧略王朝的史學家如此叫他，但是喬治·阿克羅波利提斯（英语：George Akropolites）在迪奧多爾於1230年敗於克羅克特尼察後即拋棄「科穆寧」，轉而使用「安格洛斯」稱呼他。[3][5][6]

 
第四次十字軍東征後，拜占庭帝國被分割，形成群雄並立的情況。

狄奧多爾的早年生活過得並不一帆風順。[7]1204年，第四次十字軍攻破拜占庭首都後，他隨拜占廷貴族拉斯卡利斯（即狄奧多爾一世）出逃至小亞細亞，而拉斯卡利斯就此建立尼西亞帝國。狄奧多爾在拉斯卡利斯手下做事的具體內容大多未知，只有辯護士喬治·巴達尼斯（英语：George Bardanes）所寫的書信中有簡單提及。巴達尼斯寫道狄奧多爾不僅為其主人數度身陷險境，還奪下多座敵方堡壘並將其納入拉斯卡利斯麾下，如此英勇表現令他贏得許多這位尼西亞帝王的獎賞。[8]

一些現代學者如卡爾·霍夫（英语：Karl Hopf）和安托萬·邦（Antoine Bon）把某一個叫做狄奧多爾的人視為狄奧多爾·科穆寧·杜卡斯，這個狄奧多爾曾經做過阿爾戈斯的君主，而且於1208年里歐·斯古洛斯（英语：Leo Sgouros）死後，繼承他的位子和領導手下對抗伯羅奔尼撒西北邊的十字軍。然而這個觀點遭到雷蒙喬瑟夫·李歐納茲（英语：Raymond-Joseph Loenertz）質疑，他認為沒有證據支持此假設，相對的眾多資料佐證狄奧多爾當時確實身處尼西亞帝國。[9][10]

1210年左右，在伊庇魯斯建立一個帶有希臘文化的親王國後，同父異母的哥哥米開爾一世·科穆寧·杜卡斯（英语：Michael I Komnenos Doukas）邀請狄奧多爾來到伊庇魯斯。[11][a]因為米開爾一世唯一的兒子，也就是將來的米開爾二世·科穆寧·杜卡斯（英语：Michael II Komnenos Doukas）年紀還小且非婚生，再加上米開爾一世其他的兄弟又欠缺治理能力，所以需要狄奧多爾的協助。拉斯卡利斯允許狄奧多爾離開，不過要求他宣誓效忠自己和未來尼西亞的繼承人。[12]動身前往伊庇魯斯前，狄奧多爾和瑪麗亞·佩特拉里法伊娜（英语：Maria Petraliphaina）結為連理，兩人一共有四名子女。[13]

統治伊庇魯斯

 
伊庇魯斯在米開爾一世和狄奧多爾統治期間的擴張，顏色較淺處是後來征服的土地。

從1210年開始，米開爾一世便致力於拓展國家版圖，主要把矛頭指向東邊的拉丁國家薩洛尼卡王國；米開爾經過最初的幾次挫折後，征服色薩利地區大部分的土地。而到1214年為止，拉丁人從米開爾手中收復了科孚島和底耳哈琴。[14][15]傳統的歷史學觀點認為米開爾一世的如此作為顯示他揚棄對拉丁帝國曾經的宣示，但是歷史學家飛利浦·凡·崔西特（Philip Van Tricht）主張至少理論上，米開爾和接下來的狄奧多爾都在1217年前維持拉丁帝國的附庸身分。[16]

1214年或1215年，米開爾一世被一名僕人暗殺，[17]由於米開爾二世還太年輕而且其身分存在爭議，[18]狄奧多爾不費多少心思就把這男孩排除在王位競爭之外。根據阿爾塔的迪奧多拉（英语：Theodora of Arta）的聖徒傳記，米開爾二世和母親於狄奧多爾統治期間流亡伯羅奔尼撒。[19]

對外關係

狄奧多爾不但有能力，也是一位野心勃勃的君主。儘管曾對拉斯卡利斯宣示，他仍然希望把勢力範圍擴張至塞薩洛尼基，最終目的甚至是奪下君士坦丁堡，重新建立拜占庭帝國。 [20]為了鞏固北邊，他與塞爾維亞和阿爾巴尼亞的部族締結同盟。早在米開爾一世治下，伊庇魯斯就已經把政治勢力延伸到阿爾巴農親王國（英语：Principality of Arbanon），當其統治者迪米特里·普羅哥尼（英语：Dimitri Progoni）於1215年過世後，繼承國家的遺孀在隔年即再婚希臘權貴葛列格里·卡莫納斯（英语：Gregory Kamonas），這使得雙方關係更加密切。[21]對於塞爾維亞人，狄奧多爾則停止向澤塔（英语：Zeta (crown land)）擴張，放棄米開爾一世時期對北方土地的索求，[22]反而與塞爾維亞君王斯提凡二世·涅馬尼奇（英语：Stefan II Nemanjić of Serbia）（1196年–1228年在位）建立友好關係，共同抑制保加利亞第二帝國。1216年，兩國情誼以狄奧多爾的弟弟曼努埃爾·科穆寧·杜卡斯（英语：Manuel Doukas）與斯提凡二世的一位姊妹的婚姻作為基礎獲得鞏固。[23]斯提凡二世更企圖讓自己一個兒子迎娶米開爾一世的二女兒狄奧多拉，其極有可能是他的長子斯提凡·拉多斯拉夫（英语：Stefan Radoslav）。奧赫里德大主教（英语：Archbishop of Ohrid）迪米特里歐斯·邱馬提安諾斯（英语：Demetrios Chomatianos）對此事持反對意見，他以雙方有血緣關係為由拒絕認可這樁婚事，因為狄奧多拉是斯提凡·拉多斯拉夫之母尤多奇雅·安格莉娜（英语：Eudokia Angelina）的表親，而尤多奇雅又是阿歷克塞三世的女兒。1217年，斯提凡二世想要藉由與狄奧多拉同父異母的姊姊成婚規避這個問題，但是邱馬提安諾斯以類似緣由否決此提議。[23]最後斯提凡二世的大兒子和狄奧多爾的長女安娜·安格莉娜·科穆寧·杜卡伊娜（英语：Anna Angelina Komnene Doukaina）於1219年的冬日完婚。[24]

With his position thus strengthened, Theodore expanded his territory into northern Macedonia, although it is possible that at least part of this region had already been captured by Michael I after the death of the local Bulgarian ruler Strez in 1214. It is unclear to what extent Theodore's expansion involved direct conflict with the Bulgarian Tsar Boril (r. 1207–18), but by 1217 he held Ohrid, Prilep, and most of the plain of Pelagonia, at least up to Strez's old capital at Prosek, and likely beyond, approaching the Strymon River.[25] As the Greek historian Konstantinos Varzos has noted, the capture of Ohrid, seat of the eponymous archbishopric, was particularly important for the standing of the Epirote state and Theodore's aspirations. Theodore sponsored the election of the distinguished canonist Chomatianos to the archiepiscopal throne in 1217, and Chomatianos would repay that support with his steadfast championing of Epirote claims to the Byzantine imperial inheritance vis-à-vis the rival claims of Nicaea.[26]

 
13th-century fresco portrait of Stefan II Nemanjić, from the Mileševa monastery

Following the Fourth Crusade, the Orthodox clergy in the two main Greek states, Epirus and Nicaea, had effectively become separated. In 1208, the Nicaeans had convened a synod and elected Michael Autoreianos as successor to the vacant see of the Patriarch of Constantinople. The election was uncanonical and therefore of questionable legitimacy. This in turn meant that Laskaris' imperial title was also open to challenge, as he had been crowned by the same Michael Autoreianos.[27] Already under Michael I, two local synods of bishops had emerged in the Epirote domains to carry on administration of the Church, largely independent of the Patriarch, one at Naupaktos under John Apokaukos, and one at Ohrid under Chomatianos. The more ambitious Chomatianos soon became the pre-eminent "western" bishop, and sought to strengthen the de facto Epirote autonomy in ecclesiastical affairs, including the appointment of bishops for the local sees without the Patriarch's interference. This policy, which dovetailed with Theodore's own ambitions of independence from and rivalry towards Nicaea, brought the two branches of the Greek Church to an open quarrel, as the Nicaea-based patriarch Manuel I Sarantenos began appointing bishops of his own to Epirote sees, whom the Epirotes refused to accept.[28] Despite his close ties to Epirus, Stefan II Nemanjić exploited the Epirote–Nicaean rivalry to his advantage to secure autocephaly for the Serbian Church, which traditionally had been under the jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Ohrid. Brushing aside Chomatianos' vehement objections, Stefan managed to have his brother Rastko, renamed Sava, consecrated by Manuel Sarantenos as autocephalous archbishop of Serbia in 1219.[29][30] Theodore took care not to let the quarrels of the churchmen affect his cordial relations with the Serbian ruler.[31][32]

Theodore's drive into Macedonia disquieted another local strongman, Alexius Slav, ruler of Melnik. A sworn enemy of Boril, Alexius had been abandoned by his erstwhile ally, the Latin Emperor, Henry of Flanders (r. 1205–16), who in 1213 allied himself with Bulgaria. Facing a possible attack by Theodore as well, Alexius now preferred to make common cause with him, and married a niece of Theodore's wife.[33][34]

擒獲皮耶爾二世

The Epirote successes in Macedonia worried the Latins, as they opened the way to another attack on Thessalonica. The Kingdom of Thessalonica had been much weakened after the death of its founder, Boniface of Montferrat, in 1207, since which it had been ruled by a regency for his underage son Demetrius (r. 1207–24). Interrupting a campaign against the Nicaeans in Asia Minor, Henry of Flanders hastened to Thessalonica. He took up contact with Boril and was preparing to march against Theodore when he suddenly died on 11 June 1216, probably of malaria, although poisoning by his second wife Maria of Bulgaria has also been suggested. The death of the warlike Henry, followed by that of Pope Innocent III, the instigator of the Fourth Crusade, a month later, was a major stroke of good fortune for Theodore as it removed two of his most eminent and capable opponents.[35]

 
Seal of Peter of Courtenay

The barons of the Latin Empire then elected Peter II of Courtenay, a cousin of King Philip II Augustus of France, as the new Latin Emperor. Receiving news of his election, Peter assembled a small army of 160 knights and 5,500 foot and horse, and set out from France. After being crowned by Pope Honorius III in Rome, he set sail from Brindisi in April 1217.[22][36] Peter landed at Dyrrhachium, which he had promised to conquer and return to Venice, while his wife Yolanda of Flanders sailed on to Constantinople. As in the Norman invasion of William II of Sicily (r. 1166–89) in 1185, Peter intended (after capturing Dyrrhachium) to follow the ancient Via Egnatia to Thessalonica, wresting Albania and Macedonia from Epirote control in the process.[37][38]

The commonly accepted version of events is that Dyrrhachium resisted with success, and as his casualties mounted Peter was forced to raise the siege and start his march towards Thessalonica. The march proved difficult, due to both the harsh terrain and the open hostility of the local population—the Western sources (the Annales Ceccanenses, Richard of San Germano, Philippe Mouskes, and the continuator of Robert of Auxerre) also stress the loyalty of the local Albanian population to Theodore.[39] After a few days, Theodore with his army confronted Peter. Theodore requested talks with the papal legate, Giovanni Colonna, whom he assured of his goodwill and support. Western sources claim that Theodore offered to recognize the primacy of the Catholic Church and the suzerainty of the Latin Empire—as well as to support Peter in his planned participation in the Fifth Crusade[40]—and offered the Latins food and guides through the mountains. Peter was glad to receive this unexpected help, and an agreement between the two was concluded. As soon as the Latins let their guard down, Theodore fell upon them. Peter of Courtenay, Colonna, the Latin Bishop of Salona, Count William I of Sancerre, and many Latin nobles were taken captive, while Peter's army scattered into small roving bands trying to survive.[41] Akropolites, the chronicler Ephraim, and some Western sources on the other hand claim that Dyrrhachium was captured, and are followed by some modern scholars, including the Greek I. D. Romanos and the French Alain Ducellier. According to this view, Theodore offered to acknowledge Peter's suzerainty after the city's fall, only to treacherously ambush and defeat him. As the historian John Van Antwerp Fine remarks, "it is not important which version is correct"; the outcome was the same, and if lost, Dyrrhachium was quickly retaken after Peter's capture.[25][42]

According to Philip Van Tricht, Theodore's actions were motivated by several factors, which led him to regard Peter as a threat to himself and his principality. Peter's attempt to return Dyrrhachium to Venice, even if it had failed for the moment, boded ill for the future. Peter's recognition of the rights of Demetrius' half-brother William VI of Montferrat over Thessalonica opened the way for William to take power there, and Theodore was loath to see Thessalonica—whose rulers still claimed suzerainty over Epirus—strengthened, particularly given the presence of his exiled nephew Michael II in the court of the Latin Principality of Achaea. At the same time, Theodore and his court resented the increased papal interference in Greek affairs, especially in the aftermath of the mission of Cardinal Pelagius, the previous papal legate to Constantinople, whose actions had deepened the rift between Greeks and Latins further.[43]

與拉丁帝國一戰

Whatever the true course of events, Theodore's unexpected victory echoed throughout the Greek world, and greatly enhanced his standing; even the usually hostile Akropolites was forced to admit in his history that this feat was "of great help to the Romans".[44] Conversely it dismayed Pope Honorius, who sent letters to the Latin princes of Greece as well as the Doge of Venice and Peter of Courtenay's son-in-law King Andrew II of Hungary (r. 1205–35), urging them to engage themselves to secure the release of Peter and Colonna. He even wrote to Andrew and the French bishops to call for a crusade against Theodore, with which he also threatened Theodore in a letter. With the first contingents for the crusade assembling at Ancona in late 1217, and the Venetians eager to profit from the crusade to recover Dyrrhachium, the pressure bore fruit: in March 1218, Colonna was released, with Theodore offering his apologies and assurances of loyalty to the Pope. Honorius then changed his policy to the point of forbidding the Doge of Venice to harm Theodore in the slightest, hoping thereby to secure the release of more prisoners. Although some of the lesser barons were freed, Peter and many of the most senior lords remained in captivity until their death. It is unknown when Peter of Courtenay died, but this was probably before September 1219.[45][46]

The capture of Peter of Courtenay left both major Latin states in Greece, Thessalonica and Constantinople, in the hands of female regents. Before arriving in Constantinople, where she gave birth to Peter's posthumous son, Baldwin II (r. 1228–73), Yolanda had stopped at the Peloponnese. There she quickly came to appreciate the wealth and strength of the Principality of Achaea, and arranged the marriage of her daughter Agnes to the principality's heir, Geoffrey II of Villehardouin (r. c. 1229–46). A politically astute ruler, Yolanda also secured her eastern border by offering her daughter Maria of Courtenay in marriage to Theodore Laskaris, who had just been widowed for the second time.[47]

Before launching his final stroke against Thessalonica, Theodore also took care to secure his southern flank, by appointing his brother Constantine Komnenos Doukas as governor in Aetolia and Acarnania. An energetic governor, Constantine not only effectively shielded the Epirote domains from the threat of the Duchy of Athens, but soon recovered Neopatras and Lamia as well.[48] Theodore himself turned his attention to clearing Thessaly of any remaining Latin presence, culminating in the surrender of the great Platamon Castle in 1218. Over the next few years, one by one, Theodore captured the fortresses around Thessalonica itself. Platamon controlled the entrance to the Thermaic Gulf, and with the surrender of Serres in late 1221, Theodore cut the land connection between Constantinople and Thessalonica as well. Thessalonica was left thereby, in the words of John Fine, "more or less an island in the midst of Theodore's possessions".[32][49]

As the fall of Thessalonica appeared imminent, Pope Honorius excommunicated Theodore, ordered an embargo on horses, troops, and supplies from the Adriatic ports, and sent letters to Constantinople urging assistance to Demetrius. Demetrius himself went to Italy to seek aid, being received by the Pope in Rome in March 1222 and by Emperor Frederick II (r. 1220–50) soon after. A crusade was proclaimed against Theodore, and troops began to gather in Italy.[50] In the meantime, the Latin Empire, now under Robert of Courtenay (r. 1221–28), was once more embroiled in warfare with Nicaea as it supported Laskaris' brothers in their challenge against the new Nicaean emperor, John III Doukas Vatatzes (r. 1222–54).[31] The first detachments of the assembling crusade, under Count Oberto II of Biandrate, arrived at Thessalonica in summer 1222 and joined the de facto regent, Guy Pallavicini. Theodore now hastened his move against Thessalonica. After preliminary operations in late 1222, in early 1223 he laid siege to the city.[51] Honorius excommunicated him again, and redoubled his effort to promote the crusade, which had come to a standstill in the meantime. At the Pope's urging, Venice and Emperor Frederick promised aid. Robert of Courtenay also pledged to assist, while Honorius called upon the Latin princes of southern Greece to join in the effort. The crusade finally assembled at Brindisi in March 1224. In his instructions to his legate, however, Honorius did not rule out the possibility of Theodore coming to terms with the Crusaders.[52] True to his word, in April 1224 Robert of Courtenay sent an army to besiege Serres. During the siege, the Latin generals learned of the disastrous defeat of the main Latin army at the hands of John III Doukas Vatatzes at the Battle of Poimanenon. They lifted the siege and hastened back to Constantinople, only to be intercepted by Theodore's men; most of the Latin army were killed or taken prisoner.[53]

This double disaster destroyed the Pope's plans for the crusade, as he had envisaged it to land in Theodore's rear while he was engaged with Robert's army. At the same time, the prospective leader of the crusade, William VI of Montferrat, fell ill. In November, the Pope was forced to postpone the crusade's departure for the next spring.[53] With news of the Latin defeats and the postponement of the crusade, the exhausted defenders of Thessalonica surrendered the city to Theodore sometime in December 1224.[54][55] The crusade to relieve it sailed in March 1225, and landed in Thessaly at Halmyros. The Crusader army was soon decimated by dysentery, allegedly because the Greeks had poisoned the local water supply. William of Montferrat himself succumbed to it, and the remnants of the army left Greece. Demetrius of Montferrat still hoped to recover his realm with the help of Frederick II, but died in 1227.[56][57]

塞薩洛尼基皇帝

更多信息：Empire of Thessalonica
 
Billon trachy coin of Theodore as Emperor of Thessalonica

The capture of Thessalonica, traditionally the second city of the Byzantine Empire after Constantinople, was a major stroke against the Latins and greatly boosted Theodore's standing, so much that he now regarded himself as superior to Vatatzes, and openly claimed the Byzantine imperial title by putting on the purple boots reserved to the emperor.[58][59] Indeed, one of his major supporters, the eminent Metropolitan of Naupaktos, John Apokaukos, in a letter to the Patriarch in 1222 declared that the Epirotes already regarded Theodore as their "God-sent regent and emperor", and later wrote to Theodore's wife expressing the hope that he might be able to assist at their imperial coronation at Thessalonica.[60]

加冕爭議

According to Byzantine custom, the coronation of an emperor could only take place in Constantinople and be performed by the Patriarch; yet Constantinople was still in Latin hands, and the Patriarch (now Germanus II, 1223–40) resided in Nicaea. Theodore thus turned to the Metropolitan of Thessalonica, Constantine Mesopotamites, whom he had just restored to his see after removing the Latin prelate. Mesopotamites however recognized the Patriarch at Nicaea as legitimate, and steadfastly refused to perform the rite, despite pressure from Theodore, his brother Constantine, and John Apokaukos. Rather than submit, he preferred to return to exile.[59][61] In response, in March 1225 Theodore convened a council of the bishops of his domains at Arta, chaired by Apokaukos. The council approved a declaration, composed by Apokaukos, which extolled Theodore's achievements against the Latins and Bulgarians, his liberation of Greek lands, eviction of Catholic priests and restoration of Orthodox bishops, and his imperial descent, and declared that the council recognized only him as emperor. Armed with this declaration, Theodore had the loyal Archbishop of Ohrid, Demetrios Chomatianos, perform the coronation instead.[59][62]

Although Theodore appears to have assumed, and was addressed by, the imperial title almost immediately after the capture of Thessalonica, the date of his actual coronation is unknown.[63] The French scholar Lucien Stiernon places it in the period between June 1227 and April 1228,[64] but the Greek Apostolos D. Karpozilos rejects this, reasoning that Theodore had no obvious reason to delay his coronation for so long, and suggested that he was crowned in 1225, immediately after the council of Arta.[65] Eleni Bees-Seferli on the other hand, based on the letters of Apokaukos, suggests a date between 3 April and August 1227,[66] while Alkmini Stavridou-Zafraka has narrowed the date down to 29 May 1227.[67]

As befitted an emperor, Theodore began setting up a court at his new capital, and dispensed court titles to his relatives and followers. His brothers Manuel and Constantine were raised to the rank of Despot, the long-serving John Plytos became panhypersebastos and mesazon (chief minister), and a number of scions of old Byzantine aristocratic families, who had sought refuge in Epirus, were appointed as provincial governors alongside members of the local aristocracy. The title of doux was used, but unlike earlier times these were mostly civilian governors with little military authority. Theodore awarded titles with such largesse that formerly exclusive titles such as pansebastos sebastos or megalodoxotatos were devalued and came to be held by city notables.[68] To secure his new capital, Theodore instituted a guard of "Tzakones" under a kastrophylax.[69]

 
John III Doukas Vatatzes, Emperor of Nicaea, from a 15th-century manuscript of the Extracts of History of John Zonaras

John Vatatzes initially reacted to Theodore's proclamation as emperor by offering to recognize him as a sort of viceroy in his lands, but Theodore rejected this and publicly assumed the full titulature of the Byzantine emperors, as "basileus and autokrator of the Romans".[70] Theodore's coronation deepened the rift between the western Greeks and Nicaea, which once again was expressed in the ecclesiastic sphere. At first, the Nicaeans tried to limit the blame to Chomatianos: though writing respectfully of Theodore himself, Patriarch Germanus II expressed his indignation at the presumption of Chomatianos in usurping the patriarchal privilege of crowning an emperor, while Chomatianos claimed that, as the successor of the ancient see of Justiniana Prima, he was an independent prelate and had the authority to do so.[59][71]

In 1227, a synod of Epirote bishops in Arta tried to find a compromise, acknowledging the overall authority of the Patriarch at Nicaea but requesting administrative autonomy, i.e. the right for Theodore to appoint bishops in his domains. They gave the Patriarch three months to reply, and suggested that if he did not heed their proposals, they might be forced to recognize the supremacy of the Pope instead. Germanus replied by having the patriarchal synod condemn Theodore's assumption of the imperial title. The conflict escalated when Germanus appointed his own candidate to the vacant see of Dyrrhachium. Theodore expelled the bishop, and the Epirote synod instead elected a friend of Chomatianos, Constantine Kabasilas, as the bishop. Germanus now attacked Theodore directly. In response, George Bardanes composed a letter to Germanus, which insisted on Epirote ecclesiastical autonomy and challenged the very legality of Germanus' claims to the patriarchate. The result was a full schism between the Nicaean and Epirote churches that lasted until 1232/3.[72][73]

進入色雷斯

Following Theodore's coronation, there were four rulers who claimed the imperial title and vied for control of Constantinople: Theodore, the Latin Emperor, Robert of Courtenay, John III Doukas Vatatzes of Nicaea, and the young but ambitious John II Asen (r. 1218–41) of Bulgaria. The Latin Empire was a shadow of its former strength: following Poimanenon, the Latins had lost most of their territories in Asia, while in Europe, it was soon reduced to the environs of Constantinople itself.[74][75] Already in 1224, or at least in 1225, Theodore captured Chalcidice with Mount Athos,[74] and in spring 1225, he advanced through eastern Macedonia and western Thrace, seizing Christopolis, Xanthi, Gratianopolis, Mosynopolis and Didymoteicho.[76] In an attempt to pre-empt him and block his advance onto Constantinople, the Nicaeans had answered the summons of the inhabitants of Adrianople and taken over the city from the Latins. Theodore however crossed the Evros River and blockaded the city, until it agreed to surrender. The Nicaean army, under the protostrator John Ises and John Kammytzes, was allowed to withdraw unmolested to Asia with ships provided by Theodore.[74][77]

The capture of Adrianople opened the path to Constantinople for Theodore. In order to secure his northern flank, he concluded an alliance with John Asen, sealed by the (second) marriage of his brother Manuel to Maria, an illegitimate daughter of Asen.[78][79] At the same time, the Latins turned to Nicaea and concluded a peace treaty in exchange for further territorial concessions. This pact too was sealed by a marriage, of Theodore Laskaris' daughter Eudokia to the Latin baron Anseau de Cayeux.[79][80] In the same summer of 1225, Theodore led his army to the environs of Constantinople, reaching the towns of Bizye and Vrysis. Anseau de Cayeux, leading the Latin army, was heavily wounded in the clashes, but Constantinople itself was not attacked. Not only was Theodore unprepared for a siege against the mighty Theodosian Walls, but news of William of Montferrat's landing at Thessaly forced him to break off operations and return west.[81]

For reasons that are unknown, Theodore did not renew his attack on Constantinople in 1226 or the years thereafter.[80] Instead, he seems to have occupied himself with domestic affairs, as well as taking care to improve relations with Frederick II during the latter's stop-over at Corfu and Cephallonia to lead the Sixth Crusade in 1228. In 1229, he even sent a company of Greek troops to serve under Frederick in Italy. At the same time, Theodore presided over a rupture in relations with Venice, after his governor in Corfu sequestered the cargo of a shipwrecked Venetian ship. Theodore issued an edict on 19 August 1228 prohibiting Venetian merchants from practising commerce in his realm.[82] In January of the same year, Robert of Courtenay died, leaving the throne of the Latin Empire to his eleven-year-old brother, Baldwin II. With a regency taking over the governance of the state, the Latin Empire stood further enfeebled. At this moment, John Asen offered an alliance. Baldwin II would marry his daughter Helena, while John Asen would take over the regency and lend his assistance at repelling Theodore's attacks. The Latin barons viewed the offer with mistrust, as it would offer John Asen every opportunity to take over Constantinople himself; instead, they strung out negotiations, and eventually chose the 80-year-old but energetic John of Brienne (r. 1229–37) as regent.[83][84] Although the Bulgarian offer failed, it served to open a rift between Theodore and his nominal ally. In a move clearly directed against John Asen, in September 1228, Theodore agreed to a one-year truce with the Latin Empire's regent, Narjot of Toucy, with the border between the two empires running along a line from Ainos to Vrysis.[85][86]

戰敗被囚

 
伊凡·亞森二世的現代肖像
 
克羅克特尼察戰役雙方進軍路線圖，紅色為伊凡· 亞森的軍隊，藍色則是狄奧多爾的軍隊。

File:Battle_of_Klokotnitsa.png Finally, in late 1229, Theodore began assembling his forces at Thessalonica—including a contingent of troops sent by Frederick II—for the projected final attack on Constantinople. As his troops marched east in spring 1230, he unexpectedly turned his army north and followed the Evros valley into Bulgaria. Theodore's motives for this sudden change are debated. Contemporary and later historians like Akropolites denounced this as a sign of Theodore's duplicity and treachery. A more likely suggestion is that Theodore, hitherto undefeated in battle, desired to check Bulgarian power and avoid the possibility of the Bulgarians striking in his rear while he was engaged in besieging Constantinople.[87][88] Although caught by surprise, John Asen reacted rapidly. Allegedly affixing the text of the broken treaty to one of his spears as a flag, he rallied his troops and met Theodore in battle in April 1230. The ensuing Battle of Klokotnitsa was a crushing victory for the Bulgarian ruler, who took Theodore and many of his officers captive.[88][89]

In the aftermath of Klokotnitsa, Bulgaria emerged as the mightiest power in the Balkans. Deprived of its energetic ruler, Theodore's empire collapsed: within a few months Thrace, most of Macedonia, and Albania, fell under Bulgarian rule. As John Asen boasted in an inscription in the Holy Forty Martyrs Church at his capital of Tarnovo, he "occupied all the land from Adrianople to Dyrrhachium, Greek, Serbian, and Albanian alike", although Dyrrhachium itself apparently remained in Greek hands. The Latin Duchy of Philippopolis was also annexed, and Alexius Slav's principality in the Rhodope Mountains was extinguished in the process, with Alexius spending the rest of his life at Asen's court.[88][90]

Theodore's brother Manuel, who managed to escape from Klokotnitsa, now took over the throne in Thessalonica. His domain was reduced to the environs of the city and his family's core territories in Epirus and Thessaly, as well as Dyrrhachium and Corfu, while his brother Constantine in Aetolia and Acarnania recognized his suzerainty. As a son-in-law of John Asen, Manuel was allowed to maintain internal autonomy, but to all intents and purposes he was a client of the Bulgarian Tsar.[91][92] At about the same time, Michael I's bastard son Michael II returned from exile and quickly succeeded, apparently with the support of the local population, in taking over control of Epirus. Manuel was forced to recognize the fait accompli under the pretense that Michael recognized his suzerainty, in token of which Manuel conferred him the title of Despot. In reality Michael was fully independent, and very quickly ceased to acknowledge Manuel's suzerainty; by 1236, he had seized Corfu.[93] In order to preserve some freedom of manoeuvre and counter Asen's attempts to subordinate the Epirote Church to the Bulgarian Church of Tarnovo, Manuel turned to his brother's erstwhile rivals in Nicaea and brought an end to the ecclesiastical schism by acknowledging the legitimacy and superiority of the Nicaea-based Patriarch.[94][95]

Theodore himself remained in captivity at Tarnovo for seven years.[96] Initially he was treated with honour, but at some point during his captivity he was accused of plotting against John Asen and blinded as a result.[97] This was the customary Byzantine punishment for treason and means of sidelining potential political rivals.[98] According to a contemporary letter written in Hebrew, Asen initially ordered two Jews to carry out the deed, for Theodore had been persecuting the Jews in his territory and confiscating their wealth to fund his campaigns. Theodore begged to be spared, and they refused to carry out the blinding, whereupon the enraged Tsar had them thrown from a cliff.[99] Finally, in 1237 Theodore was released when Asen, recently widowed, fell in love with Theodore's sole unmarried daughter, Irene. Immediately after the marriage, Theodore was released and allowed to depart Tarnovo to wherever he wished.[96][100]

回歸與晚年

恢復塞薩洛尼基

 
Billon trachy of John Komnenos Doukas as Emperor of Thessalonica

As soon as he was set free, Theodore returned to Thessalonica. Lacking any escort or followers, he disguised himself as a beggar in order to enter the city in secret. There he contacted old supporters and favourites, and organized a conspiracy that soon ousted Manuel and took over the city. As Byzantine custom barred him from re-assuming the imperial office due to his blinding, Theodore installed his son John Komnenos Doukas (r. 1237–44) as emperor (without a coronation ceremony), but remained the real ruler of the empire in his son's name.[100][101] John himself appears to have been mostly interested in religion, and more inclined to enter a monastery than to become emperor. Theodore had to persuade him that being named emperor was a God-given gift, and that he was indeed the rightful Emperor of the Romans due to his imperial descent.[102]

The deposed Manuel was sent to exile at Attaleia in Asia Minor, while his wife Maria was allowed to return to her father. Despite Theodore's actions and the overthrow of his daughter and son-in-law, Akropolites reports that John Asen remained favourably disposed towards Theodore due to his passionate love for Irene.[101] Manuel did not remain quiescent in exile; determined to avenge himself, from Attaleia he secured passage through Turkish lands to Nicaea. There John Vatatzes welcomed him and agreed to support him, but not before he secured from Manuel oaths of loyalty to himself. Thus in early 1239 Manuel with six Nicaean ships set sail for Greece, landing near Demetrias in Thessaly.[100][103] He received widespread support in the province, perhaps even from the local governor, Michael I's son-in-law Constantine Maliasenos, allowing him to raise an army and in a short time occupy Farsala, Larissa, and Platamon. Faced with the option of open civil war, Manuel and Theodore eventually came to terms by dividing the territories of Thessalonica among themselves. Manuel renounced his allegiance to Vatatzes and received Thessaly, John and Theodore kept Thessalonica and the remaining parts of Macedonia as far west as Vodena and Ostrovo, and Constantine was confirmed in his appanage of Aetolia and Acarnania.[100][104] To further secure their position, both Theodore and Michael concluded treaties with the powerful Prince of Achaea, Geoffrey II of Villehardouin.[104]

歸從尼西亞

Michael II in Epirus was not part of the brothers' agreement, and continued to pursue his own policies independently of his uncles. In 1241, when Manuel died, Michael moved quickly to occupy Thessaly.[105][106] In June of the same year, John Asen died, leaving the throne to his seven-year-old son Kaliman (r. 1241–46). Coupled with the increasingly deteriorating situation of the Latin Empire, this development left John Vatatzes of Nicaea as the pre-eminent ruler of the region, and the obvious candidate for the capture of Constantinople.[106][107]

Before undertaking any moves against Constantinople, Vatatzes realized the need to settle affairs with Thessalonica, and in particular with Theodore, whose ambition, capability, and machinations he feared. In 1240 or 1241 he therefore issued an invitation, with assurances of safe-conduct, to Theodore to visit Nicaea. Theodore accepted, and was treated with great honours by Vatatzes, who deferred to him as his "uncle" and dined with him at the same table. In reality, Theodore was a prisoner in Nicaea; he was not allowed to leave, and throughout his sojourn in the Nicaean court, preparations were in full swing for a campaign against Thessalonica.[108][102] In spring 1242, Vatatzes crossed over into Europe at the head of his army, with Theodore accompanying him as an honorary prisoner. Facing no resistance, the Nicaean army and fleet arrived before Thessalonica. The city's garrison and inhabitants resisted with success and the Nicaean army, lacking heavy siege equipment, had to settle for a drawn-out blockade. Soon, however, news arrived of a Mongol invasion of Asia Minor, which forced Vatatzes to break off the campaign and return to Nicaea. Nevertheless, the Nicaean emperor kept this news a secret, and sent Theodore to his son to negotiate. John himself reportedly was willing to surrender the city outright, but his father convinced him to hold out for better terms. In the end, after 40 days of negotiations, John was allowed to keep control of Thessalonica, but renounced his imperial title and accepted Nicaean suzerainty and the title of Despot. Theodore was also allowed to remain at Thessalonica at his son's side.[108][109]

John ruled as Despot in Thessalonica for two years, until his death in 1244. Theodore himself retired to Vodena, from where he supervised the affairs of state. On John's death he raised his younger son Demetrios Komnenos Doukas (r. 1244–46) in his place, and sent an embassy to Nicaea to announce the succession, as befitted the terms of vassalage agreed in 1242.[110] If John was a religious ascetic, Demetrios was a dissolute youngster who enjoyed partying with his favourites and seducing married women. Although Theodore remained in charge of governance, Demetrios quickly became so unpopular that many leading citizens began viewing direct Nicaean rule with favour.[111][112]

Things came to a head in autumn 1246, when Kaliman of Bulgaria died, leaving the country in the hands of a regency for his younger brother Michael Asen (r. 1246–57). Vatatzes quickly attacked Bulgaria, and within three months captured most of Thrace and all of eastern and northern Macedonia, while Michael II of Epirus also took advantage of the opportunity to expand into Albania and northwestern Macedonia.[113][114] At the close of this campaign in November, as Vatatzes was encamped at Melnik, he was informed of a conspiracy to depose Demetrios and deliver Thessalonica to him in exchange for a chrysobull guaranteeing the traditional rights and privileges of the city. Vatatzes readily granted this, and sent envoys to Demetrios calling for him to appear in person at his camp. Demetrios, suspicious of Vatatzes' intentions, refused, and the Nicaeans marched on Thessalonica. After a few days, the conspirators opened one of the gates to the Nicaean army, and the city was quickly captured. Demetrios was captured and exiled to Lentiana in Bithynia, while Thessalonica and all of Macedonia were placed under the governance of the Grand Domestic Andronikos Palaiologos.[112][115] Theodore himself, isolated and without power in his refuge at Vodena, apparently remained uninvolved in these events.[116]

最後一搏與逝世

With Thessalonica secured, Vatatzes turned to Epirus, offering Michael II a marriage alliance between Michael's eldest son Nikephoros and his own granddaughter Maria. The offer was enthusiastically accepted by Michael's wife, Theodora Petraliphaina, and the young couple were engaged at Pegae.[117] Michael, who had not abandoned his family's ambitions, remained ambivalent about the Nicaean alliance, and Theodore used his influence over his nephew to turn him against it. Thus, in spring 1251, Michael launched a sudden attack on Thessalonica. The city resisted successfully, and in spring of the next year Vatatzes once more crossed into Europe to campaign against the Komnenoi Doukai. Theodore with Michael had turned to the north, capturing Prilep and Veles, and when they received news of Vatatzes' arrival, they withdrew to Epirus via Kastoria. Vatatzes besieged and captured Theodore's stronghold of Vodena, but soon became bogged down in skirmishing in the area of Kastoria. The stalemate was broken when two Epirote generals, John Glabas and Theodore Petraliphas, defected to the Nicaeans, followed shortly after by the ruler of Kruja, Golem. This forced Michael to come to terms with Vatatzes, ceding the fortresses he had captured as well as his remaining holdings in Macedonia, and reconfirming the marriage alliance with Nicaea. Furthermore, Vatatzes explicitly demanded the handing over of Theodore. The Epirote ambassadors met Vatatzes at Vodena, where they offered Theodore and the young Nikephoros as hostages. The latter was granted the title of Despot and soon allowed to return to Epirus, but Theodore was moved as a prisoner to Asia Minor. He died shortly after, around 1253.[118][119]

評論

研究科穆寧王朝的傳記作者瓦佐斯（Konstantinos Varzos）把狄奧多爾形容為一個「精力旺盛、手握資源、胸懷壯志的政治家，又繼承了祖先阿歷克塞一世的堅忍，但是缺乏其智慧、度量和外交手腕。」 瓦佐斯更進一步指出：雖然狄奧多爾有能力，不過他試圖奪回君士坦丁堡的野心，還有與尼西亞帝國水火不容的競爭確實使拜占庭帝國晚了數十年恢復。[120]

狄奧多爾的所作所為在許多希臘人心中留下長久的影響。拜占庭學家唐納·尼克爾（英语：Donald Nicol）談到：「狄奧多爾·杜卡斯的勝利和他拜占庭皇位的頭銜在往後很多年仍然存在於希臘北部和他的後代子孫心中。」[121]米開爾二世延續他的叔叔和尼西亞帝國的鬥爭，更讓拜占庭重回君士坦丁堡的一日被推遲。[122]甚至於1261年尼西亞帝國皇帝米海爾八世取回君士坦丁堡後，伊庇魯斯的統治者們將繼續挑戰這復甦的帝國，堅持捍衛自己聲稱的拜占庭帝位。[123]

家庭

狄奧多爾與其妻瑪麗亞·佩特拉里法伊娜育有二子二女：[124]

  1. 安娜·安格莉娜·科穆寧·杜卡伊娜（英语：Anna Angelina Komnene Doukaina），嫁給塞爾維亞國王斯提凡·拉多斯拉夫（英语：Stefan Radoslav）。
  2. 約翰·科穆寧·杜卡斯（英语：John Komnenos Doukas），於1237年成為塞薩洛尼基皇帝。
  3. 伊麗妮·科穆寧·杜卡伊娜（英语：Irene Komnene Doukaina），嫁給伊凡·亞森二世（英语：Ivan Asen II of Bulgaria）。
  4. 迪米特里歐斯·科穆寧·杜卡斯（英语：Demetrios Komnenos Doukas），於1244年繼承塞薩洛尼基皇帝。

腳註

^  a:  雖然現代史學家通常稱這時的伊庇魯斯「伊庇魯斯專制國」，而且把專制君主的稱號冠在米開爾一世和狄奧多爾上，不過這並非完全正確，因為他們倆都厭惡這個稱呼。到了1230年代米開爾二世當上伊庇魯斯統治者後才具此稱，然而直至14世紀才有西方文獻將伊庇魯斯指為專制國。[125][126]

參考資料

  1. ^ Varzos 1984，第548頁.
  2. ^ Loenertz 1973，第362頁.
  3. ^ 3.0 3.1 Polemis 1968，第89 (note 2)頁.
  4. ^ Varzos 1984，第548–551 (notes 2, 3)頁.
  5. ^ Nicol 2010，第3頁.
  6. ^ Varzos 1984，第549–551 (notes 3, 4)頁.
  7. ^ Polemis 1968，第89頁.
  8. ^ Varzos 1984，第553–554頁.
  9. ^ Loenertz 1973，第374, 390–391頁.
  10. ^ Fine 1994，第67頁.
  11. ^ ODB，"Theodore Komnenos Doukas" (M. J. Angold), p. 2042.
  12. ^ Varzos 1984，第553頁.
  13. ^ Polemis 1968，第90頁.
  14. ^ Fine 1994，第68頁.
  15. ^ Varzos 1984，第682–686頁.
  16. ^ Van Tricht 2011，第242頁.
  17. ^ Fine 1994，第68, 112頁.
  18. ^ Varzos 1984，第686頁.
  19. ^ Varzos 1984，第552, 553頁.
  20. ^ Varzos 1984，第553–555頁.
  21. ^ Varzos 1984，第555–556頁.
  22. ^ 22.0 22.1 Fine 1994，第112頁.
  23. ^ 23.0 23.1 Varzos 1984，第556頁.
  24. ^ Varzos 1984，第569–570頁.
  25. ^ 25.0 25.1 Fine 1994，第113頁.
  26. ^ Varzos 1984，第557頁.
  27. ^ Fine 1994，第114–115頁.
  28. ^ Fine 1994，第115–116頁.
  29. ^ Varzos 1984，第569 (esp. note 61)頁.
  30. ^ Fine 1994，第116–119頁.
  31. ^ 31.0 31.1 Varzos 1984，第570頁.
  32. ^ 32.0 32.1 Fine 1994，第114頁.
  33. ^ Fine 1994，第113–114頁.
  34. ^ Varzos 1984，第568–569頁.
  35. ^ Varzos 1984，第555, 557–558頁.
  36. ^ Varzos 1984，第558–559頁.
  37. ^ Fine 1994，第112–113頁.
  38. ^ Varzos 1984，第559–560頁.
  39. ^ Varzos 1984，第560)頁.
  40. ^ Van Tricht 2011，第187, 243頁.
  41. ^ Varzos 1984，第560–561頁.
  42. ^ Varzos 1984，第560 (note 40)頁.
  43. ^ Van Tricht 2011，第242–244頁.
  44. ^ Varzos 1984，第561–562頁.
  45. ^ Varzos 1984，第562–563頁.
  46. ^ Nicol 1992，第162–163頁.
  47. ^ Varzos 1984，第563–564頁.
  48. ^ Varzos 1984，第565–566頁.
  49. ^ Varzos 1984，第566–568頁.
  50. ^ Varzos 1984，第571頁.
  51. ^ Varzos 1984，第571–572頁.
  52. ^ Varzos 1984，第572–573頁.
  53. ^ 53.0 53.1 Varzos 1984，第573頁.
  54. ^ Varzos 1984，第573–574頁.
  55. ^ Lognon 1950，第141–146頁.
  56. ^ Varzos 1984，第574–575頁.
  57. ^ Nicol 1992，第166–167頁.
  58. ^ Varzos 1984，第573–576頁.
  59. ^ 59.0 59.1 59.2 59.3 Fine 1994，第120頁.
  60. ^ Varzos 1984，第582頁.
  61. ^ Varzos 1984，第576–578頁.
  62. ^ Varzos 1984，第578–581頁.
  63. ^ Varzos 1984，第581–582頁.
  64. ^ Stiernon 1964，第197–202頁.
  65. ^ Karpozilos 1973，第74–75頁.
  66. ^ Bees-Seferli 1971–74，第272–279頁.
  67. ^ Stavridou-Zafraka 1988，第44頁.
  68. ^ Varzos 1984，第584–589頁.
  69. ^ Varzos 1984，第589頁.
  70. ^ Varzos 1984，第583–584頁.
  71. ^ Varzos 1984，第579–580, 590–595頁.
  72. ^ Fine 1994，第120–121頁.
  73. ^ Varzos 1984，第592–600頁.
  74. ^ 74.0 74.1 74.2 Fine 1994，第122頁.
  75. ^ Varzos 1984，第601–603頁.
  76. ^ Varzos 1984，第603頁.
  77. ^ Varzos 1984，第603–604頁.
  78. ^ Fine 1994，第122–123頁.
  79. ^ 79.0 79.1 Varzos 1984，第604頁.
  80. ^ 80.0 80.1 Fine 1994，第123頁.
  81. ^ Varzos 1984，第604–605頁.
  82. ^ Varzos 1984，第605–608頁.
  83. ^ Varzos 1984，第608–610頁.
  84. ^ Fine 1994，第123–124頁.
  85. ^ Varzos 1984，第610–611頁.
  86. ^ Van Tricht 2011，第385頁.
  87. ^ Varzos 1984，第611–612頁.
  88. ^ 88.0 88.1 88.2 Fine 1994，第124頁.
  89. ^ Varzos 1984，第612–613頁.
  90. ^ Varzos 1984，第614, 616頁.
  91. ^ Fine 1994，第126頁.
  92. ^ Varzos 1984，第616–617, 639–642頁.
  93. ^ Fine 1994，第128頁.
  94. ^ Fine 1994，第126–128頁.
  95. ^ Varzos 1984，第642–652頁.
  96. ^ 96.0 96.1 Varzos 1984，第617頁.
  97. ^ Varzos 1984，第613頁.
  98. ^ ODB，"Blinding" (A. Kazhdan), pp. 297–298.
  99. ^ Fine 1994，第124–125頁.
  100. ^ 100.0 100.1 100.2 100.3 Fine 1994，第133頁.
  101. ^ 101.0 101.1 Varzos 1984，第618頁.
  102. ^ 102.0 102.1 Varzos 1984，第622頁.
  103. ^ Varzos 1984，第618–619頁.
  104. ^ 104.0 104.1 Varzos 1984，第619頁.
  105. ^ Fine 1994，第133–134頁.
  106. ^ 106.0 106.1 Varzos 1984，第620–621頁.
  107. ^ Fine 1994，第135頁.
  108. ^ 108.0 108.1 Fine 1994，第134頁.
  109. ^ Varzos 1984，第622–625頁.
  110. ^ Varzos 1984，第625–626頁.
  111. ^ Varzos 1984，第626頁.
  112. ^ 112.0 112.1 Fine 1994，第157頁.
  113. ^ Varzos 1984，第626–628頁.
  114. ^ Fine 1994，第156–157頁.
  115. ^ Varzos 1984，第628–630頁.
  116. ^ Varzos 1984，第630頁.
  117. ^ Varzos 1984，第630–631頁.
  118. ^ Varzos 1984，第631–635頁.
  119. ^ Fine 1994，第157–158頁.
  120. ^ Varzos 1984，第636頁.
  121. ^ Nicol 1993，第20–21頁.
  122. ^ Nicol 1992，第171頁.
  123. ^ Nicol 1993，第16頁.
  124. ^ Varzos 1984，第637頁.
  125. ^ Stiernon 1959，第122–126頁.
  126. ^ Fine 1994，第68–69頁.

資料來源

延伸閱讀

統治者頭銜
前任者：
米開爾一世·科穆寧·杜卡斯（英语：Michael I Komnenos Doukas） 		伊庇魯斯專制國統治者
1215–1224 		空缺
伊庇魯斯歸屬塞薩洛尼基帝國（英语：Empire of Thessalonica）
下一位持有相同頭銜者：
米開爾二世·科穆寧·杜卡斯（英语：Michael II Komnenos Doukas）
新頭銜 塞薩洛尼基帝國皇帝（英语：Emperor of Thessalonica）
1224年–1230年 		繼任者：
曼努埃爾·科穆寧·杜卡斯（英语：Manuel Doukas）
检索自“https://zh.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=User:KSTTK/沙盒A&oldid=44894805”